The Lies of Otto Strasser and Douglas Reed, Part 1

As to what follows, I wish I'd have had this information for last night's (Julky 20th, 2011) discussion with Jim Condit Jr. This is why it is difficult to believe anything written about Hitler by the jews and the (their) "allies" during and after the war. For every jew writing or saying something about World War II, there is an agenda usually intending to exacerbate "holocaust" stories, demonize Hitler, make him into a hypocrite,and fully discredit his philosophies – which are what the jews truly fear about him.

Last night Condit brought up Otto Strasser - whom I admittedly do not know much about - and Douglas Reed's book about him (Nemesis? The Story of Otto Strasser published in 1940). Looking at Reed's book (see the attached file below to download it here), I would naturally not know much about it under any circumstances, since five minutes with the introduction and opening chapters displays Reed to have a strong anti-Hitler bias and a total lack of objectivity. Therefore Strasser is the ideal subject, as Reed himself admits but not in quite the same manner as I will accuse him here, by which he could write a book merely for the sake of attacking Hitler. The excerpts below are a perfect example of lies made with an agenda, passed off as legitimate "history". We will see passages both from Reed's book, and also from Mein Kampf, along with a few comments.

Otto Strasser and Douglas Reed, Discredited!

From Chapter 3 of Nemesis?...:

Retreat from glory! Strasser fought rearguard actions. His battery was the only one of the division which was not captured; he saved his own guns and three Prussian guns as well. In September he was so ill with sciatica that he could neither walk nor ride, and had to be carried. An inglorious end to that jubilantly undertaken adventure. A sick man on a stretcher returned to a chaotic Germany where a youngster burning with patriotism had left a prosperous and well-found land. As the German revolution approached, Otto Strasser lay in hospital in Munich; in another hospital, at the opposite end of Germany, in Pasewalk, was Adolf Hitler.

On November 6th, 1918, Strasser, a veteran of twenty-one, was allowed out of hospital, on crutches, for the first time. He used this opportunity to pay a quick visit to his parents, now at Deggerndorf. On November 7th he had to return. As he arrived in Munich he heard the roar of a mob. Hundreds of rioters thronged the station and stormed the train, arresting all officers save Strasser, because he was crippled. But they made to tear off the cockade from his cap and his officer's shoulder-straps.

 

 

From Chapter 4 of Nemesis?...:

 

The Epp Free Corps took shape for the expedition against Red Munich. All the figures who later played a big part in the European drama gathered for this smaller one - save Hitler!

Hitler was in Munich. He was still a soldier. He had, as he tells in Mein Kampf, taken that fearsome anti-Bolshevist oath in hospital at Pasewalk. He was already resolved to save the world from Bolshevism. Yet he did not spring to save Munich from Bolshevism. He did not make his way out and join the Epp Free Corps, although he avowedly burned to fight. He was in Munich, and he was a soldier. But the soldiers in Munich were under the orders of the Red Government, the Jewish Government ruled from Moscow. If he was in barracks, he must have been - a Red!

There was much muttering and murmuring among the National Socialist leaders, much shaking of puzzled heads, in later years, about this, but not the hint of an explanation of his doings in Munich at that time ever came from Hitler. This is a complete gap in Mein Kampf. It is one of the darkest things in all his dark history. I would give almost anything I have to know for whom that man really worked, not only then, but at all times later.

Otto Strasser first drew my particular attention to this remarkable episode in Hitler's life. Although I had closely studied these things, I had overlooked it, and I do not think any other writer has noticed its significance or discussed it. Indeed, a man who was up to the neck in the political turmoil of those days, as was Otto Strasser, is needed to put it in its true proportion, and future historians will be indebted to him for this, because it is one of the most important of the things we know, and they are too few, about the man Hitler. Later, when we know more of him, and the double or triple game he always played is clearer to see, it may prove to be the missing piece in the jigsaw puzzle.

It is worth explaining more fully, for this reason. The Red regime in Munich lasted from November 1918 until May 1st, 1919. Hitler, according to his own account in Mein Kampf, was filled with the most violent hatred of the Jewish-Communist revolution in Germany from the moment it broke out, in the first days of November. In the last days of November, cured and discharged from hospital, he reported to his regimental depot - in that very Munich where the Reds were most powerful.

His own battalion was under the orders of the revolutionary 'Soldiers' Council'. This so disgusted him, he says, that by some means he contrived to be sent to a camp at Traunstein, a few miles away. He says that he returned to Munich 'in March'. The Reds were driven out by von Epp and the Prussian troops at the end of April. For about two months, therefore,' Hitler, a serving soldier, was in Munich when the Red regime was at its height, under the rule of a Russian Jew sent from Moscow, when the hostages were being shot.

Good Bavarians who were there at the same time contrived, by hook or by crook, to get out of Munich and make their way to von Epp, returning with him to drive the Reds out. Otto Strasser did this, at the risk of his life and after surmounting many difficulties.

 

Now for an excerpt from Mein Kampf, pages 118-120, where Hitler tells of his days at the hospital at Pasewalk, and how he got there, and what sort of condition he was in:

 

Now in the autumn of 1918 we stood for the third time on the ground we had stormed in 1914. The village of Comines, which formerly had served us as a base, was now within the fighting zone. Although little had changed in the surrounding district itself, yet the men had become different, somehow or other. They now talked politics. Like everywhere else, the poison from home was having its effect here also. The young drafts succumbed to it completely. They had come directly from home. 

During the night of October 13th-14th, the British opened an attack with gas on the front south of Ypres. They used the yellow gas whose effect was unknown to us, at least from personal experience. I was destined to experience it that very night. On a hill south of Werwick, in the evening of October 13th, we were subjected for several hours to a heavy bombardment with gas bombs, which continued throughout the night with more or less intensity. About midnight a number of us were put out of action, some for ever. Towards morning I also began to feel pain. It increased with every quarter of an hour; and about seven o'clock my eyes were scorching as I staggered back and delivered the last dispatch I was destined to carry in this war. A few hours later my eyes were like glowing coals and all was darkness around me.

I was sent into hospital at Pasewalk in Pomerania, and there it was that I had to hear of the Revolution.

For a long time there had been something in the air which was indefinable and repulsive. People were saying that something was bound to happen within the next few weeks, although I could not imagine what this meant. In the first instance I thought of a strike similar to the one which had taken place in spring. Unfavourable rumours were constantly coming from the Navy, which was said to be in a state of ferment. But this seemed to be a fanciful creation of a few isolated young people. It is true that at the hospital they were all talking abut the end of the war and hoping that this was not far off, but nobody thought that the decision would come immediately. I was not able to read the newspapers.

In November the general tension increased. Then one day disaster broke in upon us suddenly and without warning. Sailors came in motor-lorries and called on us to rise in revolt. A few Jew-boys were the leaders in that combat for the 'Liberty, Beauty, and Dignity' of our National Being. Not one of them had seen active service at the front. Through the medium of a hospital for venereal diseases these three Orientals had been sent back home. Now their red rags were being hoisted here.

During the last few days I had begun to feel somewhat better. The burning pain in the eye-sockets had become less severe. Gradually I was able to distinguish the general outlines of my immediate surroundings. And it was permissible to hope that at least I would recover my sight sufficiently to be able to take up some profession later on. That I would ever be able to draw or design once again was naturally out of the question. Thus I was on the way to recovery when the frightful hour came.

My first thought was that this outbreak of high treason was only a local affair. I tried to enforce this belief among my comrades. My Bavarian hospital mates, in particular, were readily responsive. Their inclinations were anything but revolutionary. I could not imagine this madness breaking out in Munich; for it seemed to me that loyalty to the House of Wittelsbach was, after all, stronger than the will of a few Jews. And so I could not help believing that this was merely a revolt in the Navy and that it would be suppressed within the next few days.

With the next few days came the most astounding information of my life. The rumours grew more and more persistent. I was told that what I had considered to be a local affair was in reality a general revolution. In addition to this, from the front came the shameful news that they wished to capitulate! What! Was such a thing possible?

On November 10th the local pastor visited the hospital for the purpose of delivering a short address. And that was how we came to know the whole story.

I was in a fever of excitement as I listened to the address. The reverend old gentleman seemed to be trembling when he informed us that the House of Hohenzollern should no longer wear the Imperial Crown, that the Fatherland had become a 'Republic', that we should pray to the Almighty not to withhold His blessing from the new order of things and not to abandon our people in the days to come. In delivering this message he could not do more than briefly express appreciation of the Royal House, its services to Pomerania, to Prussia, indeed, to the whole of the German Fatherland, and--here he began to weep. A feeling of profound dismay fell on the people in that assembly, and I do not think there was a single eye that withheld its tears. As for myself, I broke down completely when the old gentleman tried to resume his story by informing us that we must now end this long war, because the war was lost, he said, and we were at the mercy of the victor. The Fatherland would have to bear heavy burdens in the future. We were to accept the terms of the Armistice and trust to the magnanimity of our former enemies. It was impossible for me to stay and listen any longer. Darkness surrounded me as I staggered and stumbled back to my ward and buried my aching head between the blankets and pillow.

I had not cried since the day that I stood beside my mother's grave. Whenever Fate dealt cruelly with me in my young days the spirit of determination within me grew stronger and stronger. During all those long years of war, when Death claimed many a true friend and comrade from our ranks, to me it would have appeared sinful to have uttered a word of complaint. Did they not die for Germany? And, finally, almost in the last few days of that titanic struggle, when the waves of poison gas enveloped me and began to penetrate my eyes, the thought of becoming permanently blind unnerved me; but the voice of conscience cried out immediately: Poor miserable fellow, will you start howling when there are thousands of others whose lot is a hundred times worse than yours? And so I accepted my misfortune in silence, realizing that this was the only thing to be done and that personal suffering was nothing when compared with the misfortune of one's country....

 

There are other problems with Strasser's account of Hitler given above, and especially with Reed's comments in evaluation of it. But here and below we will concentrate only on a few main points. Basically, Otto Strasser expects a blind Hitler to sign himself out of a military hospital and to save Munich from Bolshevism. And he portrays him as a hypocrite because he didn't. Douglas Reed, salivating over the chance to discredit Der Fuhrer, buys the whole bundle of lies and runs with it. And 70 years later Jim Condit Jr. is also buying them. This is why a writer's motives and agenda must be examined when considering what to believe, and what not to believe, about history.


From pages 120-121 of Mein Kampf:

 

And at Home? But--was this the only sacrifice that we had to consider? Was the Germany of the past a country of little worth? Did she not owe a certain duty to her own history? Were we still worthy to partake in the glory of the past? How could we justify this act to future generations? 

What a gang of despicable and depraved criminals! 

The more I tried then to glean some definite information of the terrible events that had happened the more my head became afire with rage and shame. What was all the pain I suffered in my eyes compared with this tragedy? 

The following days were terrible to bear, and the nights still worse. To depend on the mercy of the enemy was a precept which only fools or criminal liars could recommend. During those nights my hatred increased--hatred for the originators of this dastardly crime. 

During the following days my own fate became clear to me. I was forced now to scoff at the thought of my personal future, which hitherto had been the cause of so much worry to me. Was it not ludicrous to think of building up anything on such a foundation? Finally, it also became clear to me that it was the inevitable that had happened, something which I had feared for a long time, though I really did not have the heart to believe it. 

Emperor William II was the first German Emperor to offer the hand of friendship to the Marxist leaders, not suspecting that they were scoundrels without any sense of honour. While they held the imperial hand in theirs, the other hand was already feeling for the dagger. 

There is no such thing as coming to an understanding with the Jews. It must be the hard-and-fast 'Either-Or.' 

For my part I then decided that I would take up political work.

 

So upon his release from the hospital Hitler returns to his adopted home, to Munich, to rejoin his regiment. This is only natural for a young soldier just getting out of the hospital and recovering from chemically-induced blindness. Strasser – in his own hindsight - would expect Hitler to flee to Thuringia, where von Epp was found, which is what Strasser said that the “good Bavarians” did. By this remark, Strasser infers that all of the Bavarians left behind in Munich were not “good Bavarians”, which is simply a lie.

Reed remarked that “The Red regime in Munich lasted from November 1918 until May 1st, 1919”, but that is not true. In November of 1918, Bavaria had under Kurt Eisner and the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany declared itself a “free state”, and became a “socialist republic”, however it was not exactly “red”, and the party distanced itself from the Russian Bolsheviks, in spite of the fact that under the socialists, the government was formed as a collection of councils, modeled after the Bolsheviks. Yet only in hindsight is it possible to state that Bavaria in November of 1918 would end up as a Soviet state, and Hitler could not have known that this was inevitable. The Bavarian Soviet Republic did not form until April 6th of 1919. Without evidence, it is more plausible to believe from his own statements and his later actions, that Hitler returned home to Bavaria to help prevent its falling into communism.

After the assassination of Eisner in February of 1919, anarchy fell over Bavaria. Communists seized power April 6th, but the first communist regime lasted only 6 days. The second was under Eugen Leviné. Once Leviné seized power he organized his own army of at least 20,000 members, while the regular army was executing communists. Hitler was a member, of course, of the regular army. When the Freikorps under Franz Ritter von Epp had entered Munich and defeated the communists, at least 9,000 remaining members of the loyal German army in Bavaria joined them.

Therefore, simply because Hitler was for the most part silent on his role in this episode, does not mean that he was a communist, and it is far more likely that he was among the remaining loyal army troops. Strasser sees the worst in Hitler's silence, however Mein Kampf is a book about Hitler's political awakening and maturation, and that is what Hitler chose to discuss in this episode. Yet of his daily activities during this period, in Chapter 8 in Mein Kampf Hitler says the following:

 

From page 121 of Mein Kampf:

 

As the new Soviet Revolution began to run its course in Munich my first activities drew upon me the ill-will of the Central Council. In the early morning of April 27th, 1919, I was to have been arrested; but the three fellows who came to arrest me did not have the courage to face my rifle and withdrew just as they had arrived. 

A few days after the liberation of Munich I was ordered to appear before the Inquiry Commission which had been set up in the 2nd Infantry Regiment for the purpose of watching revolutionary activities. That was my first incursion into the more or less political field.

After another few weeks I received orders to attend a course of lectures which were being given to members of the army. This course was meant to inculcate certain fundamental principles on which the soldier could base his political ideas. For me the advantage of this organization was that it gave me a chance of meeting fellow soldiers who were of the same way of thinking and with whom I could discuss the actual situation. We were all more or less firmly convinced that Germany could not be saved from imminent disaster by those who had participated in the November treachery--that is to say, the Centre and the Social-Democrats; and also that the so-called Bourgeois-National group could not make good the damage that had been done, even if they had the best intentions. They lacked a number of requisites without which such a task could never be successfully undertaken. The years that followed have justified the opinions which we held at that time.

 

It is clear from his own account, that Hitler was part of the loyal German army, and not a part of the communist Eugen Leviné's replacement army! And whatever he was involved in at the time, he was doing something to aggravate the communist regime. Otto Strasser was a liar, and Douglas Reeed was his bed-fellow. Now Jim Condit Jr. is also trying his best to crawl under the covers with them, not noticing that the bodies were already rotting 70 years ago!

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